History can exist without us,
but we cannot exist without it.
The Spark
On 1 November 2024 at 11:52 a.m., the railway station canopy collapsed in Novi Sad. Throughout the rest of the day, victims were being pulled from beneath tons of concrete. The news dominated the headlines in the following days, and it soon became clear that those in power bore significant responsibility for the tragedy. Serious questions emerged regarding corruption and negligence behind the disaster, given the known facts: the station had undergone several renovations and reopenings, without a proper operating permit; the works had been deliberately accelerated; serious irregularities had allegedly occurred during the procurement of materials; and unqualified individuals had been involved in the process. All of this resulted in sixteen people losing their lives that afternoon in Novi Sad.
All of this became the subject of official investigations, and the case was submitted to the relevant authorities for review. Some ministers and responsible officials were removed from their positions, only for it to later be revealed that the entire process had been reduced to a media performance and that a serious investigation would not take place — or at least not a fair one.
For many citizens, the conclusion was clear: the collapsed canopy was the consequence; decades of corruption were the cause.
From Local Students to a National Protest Movement
Several days later, while the country was still in mourning, an incident occurred in front of the Faculty of Dramatic Arts in Belgrade where supporters of the ruling party clashed with students gathered to pay tribute to the victims of the canopy collapse.
The faculty soon entered into a blockade as a form of protest. Over the next few months, other faculties, first in Belgrade, and then across the country, expressed solidarity and joined the same form of resistance, creating a stronghold of resistance against the government and its repression.
Students not only occupied their faculties, transforming them into organizational centers from which they planned activities and established plenums; they also traveled from village to village during their marches, spreading information about the movement, aware that a part of Serbia’s population lives in a state of complete media isolation. What they achieved represents a rare example of overcoming deeply rooted social divisions from a sociological and historical perspective. After decades of deliberately constructed tensions between citizens living in Sandžak (a region of Serbia largely inhabited by Bosniaks) and the rest of the country, students managed, within only a few months, to bridge that social gap. Today, joint participation of Serbs and Bosniaks at protests has become a completely normal and expected occurrence.
Through their actions, students became, in the eyes of a dissatisfied population, a symbol of new hope and the possibility of change. People realized that resistance was possible despite all the mechanisms of power designed to suppress it. Almost overnight, a front of public dissatisfaction had formed, led by students.
What the government had not anticipated was the fact that students had no official leader. Therefore, traditional methods of political repression could no longer be applied, because there was no single individual to target.
As people gradually stopped being afraid, the number of protesters grew, and Serbia entered a serious political crisis from which it has yet to emerge.
A Nation Divided: Ours and Theirs
Since 1 November 2024, Serbia has become a deeply divided country, polarized to such an extent that during the previous summer it seemed that only one spark would be needed for the situation to escalate into civil conflict.
There are two dominant sides within this political spectrum: “ours” and “theirs”; in everyday language, “blockaders” and “Ćaci”; or, more precisely, Serbia has divided into those who support the current regime and those who seek change.
This deep division has reached the smallest levels of society: people with different political views have stopped communicating and functioning together; family relationships have deteriorated, partnerships have ended, and professional relationships have collapsed.
The protests united all opposition political forces, from the right to the left, which suddenly received “their five minutes.” One of the most visible messages was the banner: “Fear has changed sides.”
Fear truly did change sides. The authorities began showing that they were afraid of losing the positions of power they had built for years, without accountability and without consequences, once again at the expense of ordinary citizens.
At first, the protests were peaceful. Then the so-called “Ćaciland” was created — a fenced-off area in front of the National Assembly, filled with tents occupied by supporters of the government, representing a serious disruption to the normal functioning of the city and even the state itself.
Then came the events of 15 March 2025, when a weapon known as a “sound cannon” was used, causing severe consequences for many people present at the gathering.
After that, citizens witnessed frequent excessive use of police force. Many people were beaten, chased, arrested, and abused in the streets, in their homes, or at their workplaces.
President Aleksandar Vučić, who for years carefully built his political image on both the domestic and international stage, has recognized the depth of the political crisis and divisions and, under pressure from waves of protests, recently announced that he would step down from the presidential position and call parliamentary elections by the end of the year.
This does not mean that his presence will disappear from Serbia. It means that Serbia may be entering the final stage of its struggle against the current government — through legal and peaceful means.
Towards a Unified Country Once More
Beneath the corruption that has unleashed the current political crisis lies a turbulent past. Ever since it was established as a state in the Middle Ages, Serbia has faced internal divisions and struggles for power, which, almost without fail, had a negative impact on the lives of its citizens. From the medieval Nemanjić dynasty to contemporary Serbia, Serbian history has been one of divisions and battles for political power — struggles that exhausted and damaged the country, and forced its people to emigrate in search of a better life.
There is a certain irony in Serbian history: the country’s coat of arms and the four Cyrillic letters S represent the phrase Samo sloga Srbina spasava — “Only unity saves the Serb.” History itself, like a mother, has demonstrated this truth; whenever the people united against an external or internal disruptive force, they prevailed. This is precisely what Serbia needs once again.
After the elections, the country will most likely face two possible scenarios.
The first is one in which the current government loses, a new government is formed, and the most difficult part begins: dismantling established patterns and networks of corruption, stabilizing political and social conditions, restoring real power to institutions, and returning to the European path.
What is necessary is not merely changing one political party, but transforming the entire system, political culture, and institutions. It is crucial that those who hold positions of power and represent citizens’ interests understand that they can be removed if they fail to perform their duties responsibly and with dignity.
The second scenario is one in which the current government wins the elections, the established political model continues, and the consequences remain impossible to predict.
What is clear, at the end of this analysis about today’s Serbia, is that this is a country in need of change; a country whose people are tired of the life they have been forced to live because of the decisions of their politicians; and, ultimately, Serbia is a country worth fighting for.
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